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Credit gaps cool globally

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This post follows on from previous credit gap analysis on this blog and how this indicator helps estimate the probability of sovereign debt strains, for which Bank of International Settlements data is of great use. However, the BIS data covers “only” 43 countries and the Euro Area, which roughly corresponds to the G20 – including the 27 European Union members. As a result of this limitation, I use World Bank data, which has much broader country coverage, to derive credit gaps for a larger number of countries. As the Bank’s dataset is released on an annual frequency, I use annualized BIS data for comparative purposes, though the latter has the advantage of being published on a quarterly basis and is thus already available for a part of 2023.1

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The first map below presents the BIS data on credit gaps in 2022, revealing how most of these 43 countries,2 are in negative territory, meaning that credit extended to the private sector is below trend. This makes sense given the wave of central bank tightening from circa 2021 in many countries, leading to tighter financial conditions globally. Notable exceptions remained in 2022, including Japan, Switzerland, Germany, and France in the DM space and Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Brazil, and Hungary among EMs.

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The second map shows BIS credit gap data for 2021, when there was clearly more heat in the system. Several countries exhibited positive gaps that ended up turning negative in 2022: Canada, the US, Mexico, Colombia, Argentina, Saudi Arabia, Norway, Sweden, and Austria among them. Virtually all countries cooled down from 2021 to 2022, according to this data.

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The credit gaps derived from World Bank data feature in the two maps below, the first of which is for 2022. Sadly, this first World Bank map appears underwhelming given missing 2022 data for a number of large countries, including the US, Canada, Russia, and India. However, the data here covers 101 countries3 – more than twice the number of BIS coverage. The last map is World Bank 2021 data with readings for 154 countries, which is closer to reasonable levels of coverage for those seeking a global view.

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One of the glaring divergences between the World Bank and BIS datasets is China’s trajectory. The World Bank data suggests that China has gone from a negative gap in 2021 to a positive one in 2022, which is consistent with the PBOC easing while the rest of the world’s central banks were tightening. In contrast, the BIS data suggest that China’s gap became more negative in 2022 compared to 2021. As described previously, the World Bank data appears to include only domestic sources of credit, whereas the BIS includes domestic and foreign credit. Thus the data is essentially saying that, in 2022, domestic credit in China rose while foreign credit evaporated.

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The post Credit gaps cool globally first appeared on Sovereign Vibe.

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1    As a reminder, in the IMF’s MAC DSA model published in 2021, the coefficient for credit gaps as an independent variable is positive with respect to the dependent variable, which is the probability of a sovereign stress event.

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2    Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Chile, Colombia, Denmark, Ireland, Austria, Czechia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Malaysia, Belgium, Hong Kong SAR, China, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, Indonesia

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3    Antigua & Barbuda, Algeria, Azerbaijan, Albania, Armenia, Angola, Australia, Barbados, Bangladesh, Belize, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Benin, Solomon Islands, Brazil, Brunei, Cambodia, Burundi, China, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Georgia, Ghana, Grenada, Germany, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Israel, Côte d’Ivoire, Japan, Jamaica, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, South Korea, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Libya, Madagascar, North Macedonia, Mali, Morocco, Mauritius, Oman, Maldives, Mexico, Mozambique, Malawi, Niger, Hong Kong SAR, China Macao SAR, China, Palestinian Territories, Montenegro, Vanuatu, Norway, Nepal, Suriname, Nicaragua, New Zealand, Paraguay, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Qatar, Romania, Moldova, Philippines, Rwanda,  St. Kitts & Nevis, Lesotho, Senegal, Sierra Leone, St. Lucia, Sudan, Trinidad & Tobago, Thailand, Tajikistan, Tonga, Togo, Turkey, United Kingdom, Burkina Faso,  Uruguay, Uzbekistan, St. Vincent & Grenadines, Vietnam, Namibia, Samoa, Eswatini, Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Serbia

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Uncategorized

Mind the credit gap

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As part of tracking the probability of credit stress among 112 sovereign issuers, one of the variables of interest in the IMF’s model is the credit-to-GDP gap. This indicator matters not only because of its predictive power for sovereign credit events but for many other reasons as well, including monetary policy transmission and government borrowing. When analyzed in conjunction with other data, credit gaps are useful barometers for detecting the presence of credit bubbles, economic over- or under-heating, and policy distortions such as financial repression and fiscal dominance.

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Credit gaps are derived from observations of credit extended to the private sector as a percentage of GDP, and then a statistical technique, usually Hodrick-Prescott filtering, is used to smooth out the data points in the time series as a way to measure an underlying trend. While there are some shortcomings to this approach, including the arbitrary nature of the smoothing parameters used to identify the trend, it helps ascertain whether the cyclical component of lending is above or below long-term expected processes.

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A credit-to-GDP gap is thus an actual observation at time t minus the trend in the same time period. As such, a positive credit gap is one in which lending is above trend, whereas a negative one is below. The credit gap coefficient in the IMF model is positive, as is the case in other models in the financial crisis academic literature, meaning that higher values are associated with an increased likelihood of sovereign debt strains. Looking at quarterly data through end-20221 from the Bank of International Settlements on 43 countries plus the Euro Area, this first set of charts presents the actual credit-to-GDP ratios in blue, the smoothed trend in yellow, and the credit-to-GDP gaps in green.

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In the chart above, credit gaps in this mix of developed (DMs) and major emerging market economies (EMs) are currently mostly negative. This makes sense given the tighter monetary policy stances around the world to combat inflation, with EM central banks having begun their rate-raising cycles2 before their DM peers. A spike in credit gaps can also be observed in 2020 as policymakers worldwide lowered interest rates and facilitated the extension of credit as part of emergency measures to mitigate economic scarring at the height of the pandemic.

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The BIS credit gap data is extremely useful for this set of countries, which, after all, comprise the world’s largest economies, and all the more so because it is available on a quarterly basis. The BIS describes its credit-to-GDP ratio as capturing total borrowing from all domestic and foreign sources by the private non-financial sector.3 However, other sources are needed for measuring credit to the private sector in other countries, and, thankfully, the World Bank has a similar indicator: domestic credit to the private sector by banks.4 The World Bank data series has far broader country coverage than the BIS data, thus opening vast additional swathes of the world to analytical coverage.

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In contrast to the BIS data with its inclusion of both domestic and foreign credit to the non-financial private sector, the World Bank indicator appears to only include domestic sources of financing. Moreover, the BIS data appears to include sources of non-bank financing, unlike the World Bank data. Taken together, these two differences likely explain much of the discrepancy between these two datasets. Further, the World Bank data appears to only be available at a yearly frequency, thus requiring the BIS quarterly data to be transformed to yearly averages for the purposes of comparison.

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The charts below present BIS data in blue and World Bank data in yellow, in yearly form through end-2022 in both cases. As seen above, the BIS provides credit gap and trend data alongside its credit ratios and uses a one-sided Hodrick-Prescott filter with the smoothing parameter λ set to 400,000 for this quarterly data. The World Bank only provides its credit ratios on a standalone basis, meaning that the trend and credit gap need to be estimated independently. This is simple enough for one country, and thankfully panel statistical techniques enable scalability for quick estimation across a large number of countries and years. As such, trends and credit gaps are derived from the World Bank’s credit ratios using a two-sided HP filter with λ = 100, the recommended setting for annual data.

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Consistent with the inclusion of foreign sources of credit, the BIS credit ratios are usually higher than those from the World Bank, especially in many European countries, e.g. Luxembourg and Belgium. Elsewhere, the figures track more closely, as is the case with Japan, Malaysia, and the UK. The US and China also fell into this category, but the datasets have diverged in recent decades for those countries. Surprisingly, there are also a few countries where the World Bank ratio exceeds the BIS reading, despite the former excluding foreign credit sources, with South Africa and the US standing out most prominently from this perspective.

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The point of comparing the two datasets is to use the BIS as a benchmark to get a sense if the World Bank data is at least somewhat aligned with the former and it is any good for predictive purposes. Certainly, the similar characteristics of the actual and trend data above are a positive sign. As for the credit gaps themselves, the BIS and World Bank figures are presented below. While there are large differences in most countries, there are also similar processes at work in many countries, e.g. the United Kingdom, Malaysia. The BIS credit gaps appear to be more volatile than those of the World Bank, which could be explained by the former’s inclusion of foreign lending: capital flows of the portfolio variety, which includes debt, are prone to sudden stops and starts.

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To simplify further, the difference in the BIS and World Bank credit gaps, where the former is subtracted from the latter (difference = WB – BIS), features in the chart above. Ideally, the data readings would all be horizontal lines at zero or at least resemble a stationary process hovering above and below zero. While some countries do have these features – Sweden, the UK, the US, and Switzerland, among others, a large cohort exhibits some sort of bias. A statistical test of this difference in credit gaps across this panel of countries over these years would likely reject the notion that the difference is equal to zero. Nevertheless, the World Bank domestic credit to private sector by banks indicator seems fit for purpose, particularly given the large role that domestic banks play in credit provision in most economies.

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Future posts will expand further on the importance of credit gaps and present broad country coverage of World Bank credit gap data.

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The post Mind the credit gap first appeared on Sovereign Vibe.

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1    2023 data will be presented in future posts on credit gaps.

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2    Some EM central banks are so far ahead of DM that they have already begun cutting rates in 2023.

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3    https://www.bis.org/statistics/about_credit_stats.htm

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4     https://databank.worldbank.org/metadataglossary/jobs/series/FS.AST.PRVT.GD.ZS

Categories
Sovereign Debt

Mind the credit gap

As part of tracking the probability of credit stress among 112 sovereign issuers, one of the variables of interest in the IMF’s model is the credit-to-GDP gap. This indicator matters not only because of its predictive power for sovereign credit events but for many other reasons as well, including monetary policy transmission and government borrowing. When analyzed in conjunction with other data, credit gaps are useful barometers for detecting the presence of credit bubbles, economic over- or under-heating, and policy distortions such as financial repression and fiscal dominance.

Credit gaps are derived from observations of credit extended to the private sector as a percentage of GDP, and then a statistical technique, usually Hodrick-Prescott filtering, is used to smooth out the data points in the time series as a way to measure an underlying trend. While there are some shortcomings to this approach, including the arbitrary nature of the smoothing parameters used to identify the trend, it helps ascertain whether the cyclical component of lending is above or below long-term expected processes.

A credit-to-GDP gap is thus an actual observation at time t minus the trend in the same time period. As such, a positive credit gap is one in which lending is above trend, whereas a negative one is below. The credit gap coefficient in the IMF model is positive, as is the case in other models in the financial crisis academic literature, meaning that higher values are associated with an increased likelihood of sovereign debt strains. Looking at quarterly data through end-202212023 data will be presented in future posts on credit gaps. from the Bank of International Settlements on 43 countries plus the Euro Area, this first set of charts presents the actual credit-to-GDP ratios in blue, the smoothed trend in yellow, and the credit-to-GDP gaps in green.

SLIDE DOWN: actual data vs trend; SLIDE UP: the cyclical gap between the two; XM = Euro Area

In the chart above, credit gaps in this mix of developed (DMs) and major emerging market economies (EMs) are currently mostly negative. This makes sense given the tighter monetary policy stances around the world to combat inflation, with EM central banks having begun their rate-raising cycles2Some EM central banks are so far ahead of DM that they have already begun cutting rates in 2023. before their DM peers. A spike in credit gaps can also be observed in 2020 as policymakers worldwide lowered interest rates and facilitated the extension of credit as part of emergency measures to mitigate economic scarring at the height of the pandemic.

The BIS credit gap data is extremely useful for this set of countries, which, after all, comprise the world’s largest economies, and all the more so because it is available on a quarterly basis. The BIS describes its credit-to-GDP ratio as capturing total borrowing from all domestic and foreign sources by the private non-financial sector.3https://www.bis.org/statistics/about_credit_stats.htm However, other sources are needed for measuring credit to the private sector in other countries, and, thankfully, the World Bank has a similar indicator: domestic credit to the private sector by banks.4 https://databank.worldbank.org/metadataglossary/jobs/series/FS.AST.PRVT.GD.ZS The World Bank data series has far broader country coverage than the BIS data, thus opening vast additional swathes of the world to analytical coverage.

In contrast to the BIS data with its inclusion of both domestic and foreign credit to the non-financial private sector, the World Bank indicator appears to only include domestic sources of financing. Moreover, the BIS data appears to include sources of non-bank financing, unlike the World Bank data. Taken together, these two differences likely explain much of the discrepancy between these two datasets. Further, the World Bank data appears to only be available at a yearly frequency, thus requiring the BIS quarterly data to be transformed to yearly averages for the purposes of comparison.

The charts below present BIS data in blue and World Bank data in yellow, in yearly form through end-2022 in both cases. As seen above, the BIS provides credit gap and trend data alongside its credit ratios and uses a one-sided Hodrick-Prescott filter with the smoothing parameter λ set to 400,000 for this quarterly data. The World Bank only provides its credit ratios on a standalone basis, meaning that the trend and credit gap need to be estimated independently. This is simple enough for one country, and thankfully panel statistical techniques enable scalability for quick estimation across a large number of countries and years. As such, trends and credit gaps are derived from the World Bank’s credit ratios using a two-sided HP filter with λ = 100, the recommended setting for annual data.

SLIDE DOWN: actual data; SLIDE UP: trend data, smoothed with HP filters

Consistent with the inclusion of foreign sources of credit, the BIS credit ratios are usually higher than those from the World Bank, especially in many European countries, e.g. Luxembourg and Belgium. Elsewhere, the figures track more closely, as is the case with Japan, Malaysia, and the UK. The US and China also fell into this category, but the datasets have diverged in recent decades for those countries. Surprisingly, there are also a few countries where the World Bank ratio exceeds the BIS reading, despite the former excluding foreign credit sources, with South Africa and the US standing out most prominently from this perspective.

The point of comparing the two datasets is to use the BIS as a benchmark to get a sense if the World Bank data is at least somewhat aligned with the former and it is any good for predictive purposes. Certainly, the similar characteristics of the actual and trend data above are a positive sign. As for the credit gaps themselves, the BIS and World Bank figures are presented below. While there are large differences in most countries, there are also similar processes at work in many countries, e.g. the United Kingdom, Malaysia. The BIS credit gaps appear to be more volatile than those of the World Bank, which could be explained by the former’s inclusion of foreign lending: capital flows of the portfolio variety, which includes debt, are prone to sudden stops and starts.

SLIDE DOWN: credit gaps; SLIDE UP: difference in credit gaps (WB – BIS)

To simplify further, the difference in the BIS and World Bank credit gaps, where the former is subtracted from the latter (difference = WB – BIS), features in the chart above. Ideally, the data readings would all be horizontal lines at zero or at least resemble a stationary process hovering above and below zero. While some countries do have these features – Sweden, the UK, the US, and Switzerland, among others, a large cohort exhibits some sort of bias. A statistical test of this difference in credit gaps across this panel of countries over these years would likely reject the notion that the difference is equal to zero. Nevertheless, the World Bank domestic credit to private sector by banks indicator seems fit for purpose, particularly given the large role that domestic banks play in credit provision in most economies.

Future posts will expand further on the importance of credit gaps and present broad country coverage of World Bank credit gap data.

  • 1
    2023 data will be presented in future posts on credit gaps.
  • 2
    Some EM central banks are so far ahead of DM that they have already begun cutting rates in 2023.
  • 3
    https://www.bis.org/statistics/about_credit_stats.htm
  • 4
    https://databank.worldbank.org/metadataglossary/jobs/series/FS.AST.PRVT.GD.ZS
Categories
Geopolitics

Quick take on Gabon’s coup d’Etat

I spent most of 2012 working in Gabon, a gem of a country well-endowed with some of the lushest rainforest on the planet, abundant natural resources – oil, manganese, wood – and a small population. Like many observers, I was aware of the concerns leading up to the August 2023 presidential elections as President Ali Bongo sought a third consecutive term, especially given the post-electoral violence in 2016.

Yet the military coup of August 30th still comes as a surprise because, in recent years, the military takeovers in Africa had largely been confined to the Sahel region: Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Sudan. There were two other recent putsches, one in Guinea, on the Sahel’s doorstep, and another one in Zimbabwe.

These countries have much lower income/capita and larger populations. Unlike Gabon, most of them are landlocked and have arid climates.1Guinea is neither landlocked, nor does it have an arid climate. Zimbabwe is also not as arid as the Sahel. So what do these countries have in common with Gabon? Plenty, whether their colonial pasts under France2With the exceptions of Sudan and Zimbabwe. or the nitroglycerin-like combination of weak institutions and ethnic divisions.

CountryCoup d’Etat(s) dateGNI per capita – USDPopulation – mn
🇬🇦 GabonAugust 20237,5402.6
🇳🇪 NigerJuly 202361025.3
🇹🇩 ChadOctober 2022 & April 202169017.2
🇧🇫 Burkina FasoSeptember & January 202284022.1
🇸🇩 SudanOctober 2021 & April 201976045.7
🇬🇳 GuineaSeptember 20211,18013.5
🇲🇱 MaliAugust 202085021.9
🇿🇼 ZimbabweNovember 20171,50016.0
Sources: World Bank, author’s research

My analytical fallacy was to think about the coups in the Sahel as some sort of wave with common drivers, which would have a bearing in other parts of Africa and beyond. Not so, or at least not beyond the Sahel where several weak, poor states having trouble coping with terrorist insurgents is a commonality. Rather than a wave of African coups with a shared set of narrowly-defined underlying causes, a version of the Anna Karenina principle applies: “Each unhappy country is unhappy in its own way.”

Moreover, it is good discipline to keep ethnicity front of mind when analyzing African politics, as this helps reveal some of the political forces at play that make each country unique. Even though ethnic factors are often of secondary importance, as in the case of Gabon, considering ethno-linguistic and cultural differences also provides contextual granularity that is often absent from English-language coverage of francophone Africa.

Below, I also provide charts on France’s net FDI to each of the francophone countries as a simple gauge of its ongoing involvement in each economy. This simple measure does not explain the coups in each country, nor does it encompass the complexity of the bilateral economic, political, and security relationships, but it provides relevant context as observers ponder Paris’s links to the continent.

🇬🇦 Gabon

August 2023: The military overthrows Ali Bongo, who hails from the small Téké ethnicity (~<10% of the population) in the remote Haut-Ogooué region, minutes after his electoral win is announced. The takeover appears to have elements of both popular dissatisfaction and of a palace coup. The leader of the junta, Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, was head of the Republican Guard’s special services unit. Also a Haut-Ogooué native, Nguema had long served under the previous president, Omar Bongo, before being sidelined for several years after Ali came into office.

  • Omar Bongo had long relied on French support, while his son Ali had made some concessions to the larger Fang ethnicity (33% of the population) and others at various points during his terms.
  • In Africa, only the Seychelles and Mauritius have higher GNI/capita than Gabon, where 1/3 of the population lives below the poverty line.
  • Clearly, any wealth redistribution from the rapacious Bongo clan was insufficient for the population to allow him to continue pilfering the country indefinitely amid suspicions of electoral fraud in the current and previous elections.
  • Enfeebled by a stroke in October 2018, Ali Bongo – and his reportedly dissolute family members – provided a complacent atmosphere at the presidential palace, thus combining with popular discontent to set the ideal conditions for Nguema and his co-conspirators.
  • Of note, France’s net foreign direct investment stock in Gabon has been on a downward trend since the mid-2010s (see charts below), declining from around €1.8bn in 2013 to under €500mn in 2022. This is despite the global net FDI stock in Gabon rising over the same period, pointing to France’s diminished stature in the Gabonese economy. More detailed information on this topic will be available in future posts.

🇳🇪 Niger

July 2023: Junta leaders oust President Mohamed Bazoum, who is of Arab ethnicity ( < 0.5% of the population), purportedly for leniency towards islamist insurgents. This underscores the political importance of the security situation, as in several other countries throughout the Sahel.

  • Bazoum succeeded Mahamadou Issoufou (Hausa, 55% of the population), who completed two terms as president without trying to run for a third term, instead nominating Bazoum as his preferred successor.
  • Issoufou had himself come to power through elections a few years after a military coup ousted a previous president – Mamadou Tandja – who had attempted to stay on as president for longer than two terms, much like Ali Bongo in Gabon today.
  • As in Gabon, France’s net FDI stock in Niger has been on the wane since the mid-2010s, declining from over €1bn to under €500mn as of last year. The entirety of French exposure to the country appears to in the form of debt and other instruments, including in all likelihood intra-company debt.

🇹🇩 Chad

April 2021 – October 2022: Long-serving President Idriss Déby (Zaghawa, ~1%) had taken power via a French-supported coup in 1990 against then-president Hissène Habré (Gorane, aka Daza or Toubou, ~4-5%) and was fatally wounded in April 2021 during hostilities with insurgents, mainly of Gorane extraction.

  • Déby’s son Mahamat Idriss Déby (half Zaghawa, half Gorane, married to a Gorane, father of nine children) seized control of the country at the head of a military junta immediately after his father’s death with a commitment to an 18-month transition period to culminate in elections, which he postponed by two years in October 2022.
  • Despite limited French net FDI exposure to Chad, even here France’s presence is declining, from nearly €200mn in the early 2000s to around €100mn today.

🇧🇫 Burkina Faso

September 2022: Captain Ibrahim Traoré (b. 1988) overthrew Lieutenant-colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba for not having followed through on the promises of the January 2022 coup and following several deadly terrorist attacks, notably in Gaskindé, where jihadists ambushed a provisioning convoy, resulting in at least 11 deaths.

  • Mutineering soldiers ousted President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré (Mossi, ~56%) in January 2022 following a crushing defeat of burkinabè armed forces by jihadists in November 2021, amid widespread disappointment at the government’s management of the conflict and failure to provide rations to troops. Lieutenant-colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba succeeded Kaboré as transitional president.
  • In October 2014, a popular uprising ousted then-president Blaise Compaoré’s (Mossi, ~56%) upon his attempt to change the constitution and thereby allow himself to stand for a fifth term after 27 years in power. After a year of transition, Kaboré was elected president in November 2015.
  • In constrast to Gabon, Niger, and Chad, France’s net FDI stock in Burkina Faso has been rising steadily for the past decade, driven mainly by reinvested earnings into increasing shareholder equity. Overall exposure has jumped from ~€100mn in 2012 to ~€400mn in 2022.

🇸🇩 Sudan

April 2019 & October 2021: General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan seized power in 2021, placing Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok under house arrest. The Sudanese Armed Forces ousted the long-reigning Omar al-Bashir in 2019 under the leadership of Ahmad Awad Ibn Auf.

🇬🇳 Guinea

September 2021: Amid widespread popular dissatisfaction with the government, military putschists arrested President Alpha Condé (Mandingo aka Malinké, 23%, second-largest group) as special forces commander Mamady Doumbouya dissolved the government and seized power as interim president. Of these recent coups, the Guinean case most closely resembles the current situation in Gabon.

  • France’s net FDI exposure to Guinea has been rising steadily since the mid-2010s, albeit from a low base, partly reflecting Conakry’s historically relatively cool relations with Paris. Up from €100mn in 2015, French FDI stock stood at ~€175mn in 2022.

🇲🇱 Mali

August 2020: A colonel in Mali’s special forces, Assimi Goïta (Minianka, ~7%, b. 1983) has been the country’s de facto leader since a successful coup ousting IBK in August 2020.

  • Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta (Mandingo, aka Malinké or Maninka, ~8%, d. 2022) is elected president in 2013 after the elections were delayed by a year, following the military putsch of 2012 and the ongoing war against islamist insurgents. He rejected the coup but agreed to negotiate with the junta, which adopted a neutral position towards him. In 2020, after months of political crisis stemming from economic pressures, the Peul/Fula-Dogon ethnic conflict, and the pandemic, a coup removed IBK from power.
  • Amadou Toumani Touré (Bambara, ~25%, largest group, d. 2020) was president from 2002-2012 after having been elected democratically and later ousted via military coup two months before the 2012 elections, in which he was not running. The coup was to denounce the management of the conflict in northern Mali between the army and the Touareg rebellion at the time. He had himself participated in a coup d’Etat in 1991 against the then-long-standing president Moussa Traoré (Malinké, ~8%, d. 2020).
  • France’s FDI exposure to Mali has essentially moved sideways over the past 20 years, standing at around only €100mn.
  • 1
    Guinea is neither landlocked, nor does it have an arid climate. Zimbabwe is also not as arid as the Sahel.
  • 2
    With the exceptions of Sudan and Zimbabwe.
Categories
Sovereign Debt

Tracking sovereign stress in 112 countries

Introducing a sovereign stress tracker covering 100+ countries, based on the IMF’s Debt Sustainability Framework for Market-Access Countries. The model used in this analysis suggests that sovereign debt strains are lower in 2023 than they were in either 2022 or 2020 for this group of countries. MACs comprise all economies that are lower-middle income and above, including many emerging economies and all advanced economies.

Market-Access Countries

In 2021, the IMF released its new Debt Sustainability Analysis framework for Market-Access Countries, in line with its differentiation between MACs and low-income countries. The reasons given for distinguishing between these two groups is that MACs generally have significant access to international capital markets, whereas LICs rely on concessional resources to fulfill their external financing needs.

As such, the Fund has a separate approach to debt sustainability analysis for LICs, which is beyond the scope of this tracker. The strict definition is that countries eligible for the IMF’s Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust, which is an interest-free concessional financing tool, are treated as LICs, whereas the rest are considered MACs.

Geographic coverage

Overall, 140+ countries and territories were included in this analysis, but results were only obtained for 112,1Angola, Albania, United Arab Emirates, Argentina, Armenia, Antigua & Barbuda, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bulgaria, Bahrain, Bahamas, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Belarus, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Barbados, Brunei, Botswana, Canada, Switzerland, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica,  Cyprus, Czechia, Germany, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Algeria, Ecuador, Egypt, Spain, Estonia, Finland, Fiji, France, Gabon, United Kingdom, Georgia, Equatorial Guinea, Greece, Guatemala, Hong Kong SAR, China, Croatia, Hungary, Indonesia, India, Ireland, Iran, Iraq, Iceland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Jordan, Japan, Kazakhstan, St. Kitts & Nevis, South Korea, Kuwait, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Latvia, Morocco, Mexico, North Macedonia, Malta, Mongolia, Mauritius, Malaysia, Namibia, Nigeria, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Paraguay, Qatar, Romania, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, El Salvador, Suriname, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Eswatini, Seychelles, Syria, Thailand, Trinidad & Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Uruguay, United States, Venezuela, Vietnam, South Africa given insufficient data availability in around 30 cases. The analysis is based on a multivariate model, meaning that a missing data point for a single variable across all years makes it impossible to derive a final measurement for the country in question, resulting in exclusion.

The calculated probabilities of sovereign stress for the 112 countries do not cover all years, unfortunately. For instance, there are only results for 43 countries in 2023, given less availability of annual data and/or forecasts for the current year. Data coverage will be improved in future iterations of the tracker.

All countries included are either high, upper middle, or lower middle income countries, with few exceptions, such as Syria, which the World Bank reclassified as a LIC in 2018. There is also some debate as to whether Venezuela constitutes an UMIC or a LMIC, though it is treated as a LMIC here.

Model

The IMF claims that extensive testing demonstrates that its new MAC DSF is much better at accurately predicting sovereign debt distress. Predictive analysis is based on a multivariate logit model developed by Fund staff. Passing the required data into the model provides a probability that a sovereign borrower experiences debt stress:

Multivariate logit model specification

RegressorCoefficient
Institutional quality-1.073 ***
Stress History0.514 ***
Current account balance/GDP-0.024 **
REER (3-year change)0.013 **
Credit/GDP gap (t -1)0.086 ***
Δ Public debt/GDP0.052 ***
Public debt/revenue0.002 ***
FX public debt/GDP0.024 ***
International reserves/GDP-0.034 ***
ΔVIX0.015 ***
*** / ** indicate statistical significance at the 1 percent / 5 percent levels

Results

In addition to the dotplot chart above, a further way to view the broad results from this analysis of 112 countries is as a boxplot, presented below. I fully acknowledge that this data is unbalanced, given the limited number of data points in 2023 and also in the early 2000s – as can be seen in the first chart above – compared to better country representation in the middle years of the sample. More charts are presented in the next section below in order to address this issue.

As can be seen in the data, in 2023 there appears to be less systemic sovereign stress among MACs as compared to previous years, particularly 2022 and 2020. Future posts will provide granular details and heatmaps at the country level.


  • 1
    Angola, Albania, United Arab Emirates, Argentina, Armenia, Antigua & Barbuda, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bulgaria, Bahrain, Bahamas, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Belarus, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Barbados, Brunei, Botswana, Canada, Switzerland, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica,  Cyprus, Czechia, Germany, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Algeria, Ecuador, Egypt, Spain, Estonia, Finland, Fiji, France, Gabon, United Kingdom, Georgia, Equatorial Guinea, Greece, Guatemala, Hong Kong SAR, China, Croatia, Hungary, Indonesia, India, Ireland, Iran, Iraq, Iceland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Jordan, Japan, Kazakhstan, St. Kitts & Nevis, South Korea, Kuwait, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Latvia, Morocco, Mexico, North Macedonia, Malta, Mongolia, Mauritius, Malaysia, Namibia, Nigeria, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Paraguay, Qatar, Romania, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, El Salvador, Suriname, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Eswatini, Seychelles, Syria, Thailand, Trinidad & Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Uruguay, United States, Venezuela, Vietnam, South Africa
Categories
Sovereign Debt

Update: Debt Dashboard for Low-Income Countries

The first web application as part of Sovereign Vibe’s DataHub disaggregates the World Bank’s International Debt Statistics’ outstanding debt stock data for 68 low-income countries by creditors type: multilateral, bilateral, and private. Further decompositions are provided for the concessional and non-concessional components of multilateral and bilateral lending, and also for private credit by bondholders, banks, and other private lenders.

This first update to the “External Sovereign Debt: DSSI Countries” dashboard adds some helpful new features for users seeking to quickly view and analyze external public and publicly-guaranteed debt stock data. To begin with, the updated app now covers data extending back to 1970, the earliest year available in the WB database. The pilot version only extended coverage back to 2000, given the heavier data burden and the uncertainties around this initial attempt.

Secondly, this new version of the dashboard allows users to view the IDS debt stock data in US dollars, as previously, but now also includes an option to view the readings as a percentage of GDP.

Third, a new category has been created to aggregate all borrowing countries. When opening the application, the “Sovereign borrower(s)” category defaults to “All DSSI,” while the “Creditor(s)” menu defaults to “World” so that users can get a high-level view of all lending (i.e. from the entire world) for all these countries (i.e. all DSSI) at once. This view is presented in the previous post, “Cure worse than the disease,” but was previously unavailable through the dashboard.

Finally, the update enables users to select multiple creditors when viewing a country’s external debt stock. Over two hundred creditor locations and types are specified in the creditor menu, so, for example, a user could choose to look at how much China, France, bondholders, and the World Bank-IBRD have lent to Zambia up until the latest data reading.

Further updates to this dashboard could include allowing users to select multiple borrowers at once. While in practice providing this is currently possible for viewing the debt stock data in US dollars, some back-end work is needed to make aggregating borrowers usable in percentage of GDP. Next steps will include:

  • Enabling users to select multiple borrowers at once
  • Expanding coverage to the broader emerging markets universe
  • Moving beyond external debt stocks and towards associated external sovereign debt flows
  • Progressing from descriptive data towards analytical outputs

What are your thoughts on this basic dashboard? How do you think it could be improved, and what features would you like to see? Feel free to submit comments in the section below or via the website’s Contact page.

All suggestions for avenues of further research are welcome as Sovereign Vibe progresses from its current pilot phase towards deeper analysis of challenges facing the sovereign debt landscape and the emerging markets complex.

Categories
Sovereign Debt

Cure worse than the disease

A high-level snapshot of the structure of outstanding external sovereign debt burdens for low-income countries and reflections on the G20’s pandemic-era DSSI policy and its successor, the Common Framework for Debt Treatments beyond the DSSI.

LIC debt burdens

During last month’s IMF-World Bank Spring Meetings, I listened to a discussion on debt crisis resolution between civil society activists and IMF staff. The vastly different frames of reference, language, and motivations on low-income country (LIC) debt playing out were captivating. It is precisely this clash of worlds that the sovereign debt space needs more of as stakeholders search for the best policies to foster inclusive growth and eradicate poverty.

Civil society organizations (CSOs) have a long-standing and well-known position on LIC external sovereign debt: in a nutshell, just cancel it. Indeed, rising external debt burdens in LICs in recent years have fueled more calls for debt forgiveness. Looking at the DSSI-eligible LICs, the rapid increase in external sovereign debt in the 2010s does give pause for concern. While the overall external public and publicly-guaranteed (PPG) debt load hovered around $200 billion throughout the 1990s and 2000s, it surpassed the $600 billion mark in 2021.

Contrast the CSO perspective with IMF staff assertions that external sovereign debt strains in LICs are less severe today than in the past. Needless to say, the CSO representatives were essentially unanimous in taking issue with this position, labeling it as provocative. IMF staff presented a chart resembling the one below, highlighting how external public debt-to-GDP was much heavier previously. In fact, the most acute strains occurred in the mid-1990s. These declined until the late 2000s, partly thanks to the Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC) from 1996 and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) from 2005.

While today’s external PPG debt ratios are less alarming, the growth of domestic capital markets in many LICs suggests that overall (i.e. domestic plus external) sovereign debt-to-GDP could be too high. Moreover, LIC sovereigns have borrowed more on non-concessional terms over the past decade, pointing to greater interest payment pressures.

The new data above will augment the DSSI dashboard in the Sovereign Vibe DataHub, where users can filter data by borrower and creditor.

Categories
Sovereign Debt

Welcome!

Introducing the Sovereign Vibe project in this first blog post, for your reading pleasure.

What is Sovereign Vibe?

Sovereign Vibe is a data-focused blog designed to provide actionable insights on emerging markets sovereign debt, global macroeconomics, and capital markets. And by “emerging markets” and “global macroeconomics,” what I really mean is that this blog will cover emerging, frontier, and developing economies, or at least to the extent my one-person bandwidth permits.

My preferred catch-all term for this is one that the International Monetary Fund also uses: emerging and developing economies (EMDEs). Since EMDEs are greatly affected by what happens in advanced economies (AEs), I’ll also be exploring some relevant developments in the US and other wealthy countries whenever I deem useful.

This is a project that I have wanted to do for a long time, for at least two reasons. The first is that what should be easily-accessible sovereign debt data often requires some wrangling before useful information can be extracted from it. The second is that narratives on EMDEs are too often siloed, with limited cross-referencing among the commentariat comprising development experts, policymakers, investors, bankers, lawyers, journalists, activists, and geopolitical strategists. Generating fresh insights from data and bringing diffuse analysis together should provide some big-picture value to the reader. If you agree, please consider subscribing below for free newsletter email updates.

What do you mean by data?

Well, here’s an example. The chart below shows the outstanding external public and publicly-guaranteed debt stock of 68 Low-Income Countries (LICs), a subset of the EMDEs. This data comes from the World Bank’s well-known International Debt Statistics database and covers the countries eligible for the G20’s Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), which made it possible for these countries to delay servicing some of their external public debt during the pandemic in 2020 and 2021. In fact, 73 countries were eligible, but data is unavailable for five of them. I’ll cover the DSSI and its successor policy, the so-called Common Framework in more detail in future posts.

For now, as you can see, these poor countries amassed a lot of external sovereign debt in the 2010s, with the greatest increases coming in the form of private credit and non-concessional official lending. This latter type is of both the multilateral and bilateral variety, with “bilateral non-concessional” overlapping to a large extent with Chinese loans. Private and non-concessional is a pretty expensive mix for these borrowers, given the interest rates on those types of debt…but more on that some other time.

To get a clear breakdown of this data, check out the Sovereign Vibe DataHub, which features as its inaugural dashboard the decomposition of DSSI-eligible countries’ external public debt stock by borrowing country, creditor country, and creditor type.