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Sovereign Debt

China’s lending to developing nations declines

Behold the dashboard for low- and middle-income country external sovereign debt!

After peaking at $188 billion in 2021, for the first time in two decades the stock of low- and middle-income country sovereign debt that China holds declined in 2022. At just under $181 billion, this is still more than the US, France, the UK, Germany, Italy, and Canada combined. Nevertheless, this reversal confirms China’s pullback from its Belt and Road Initiative-driven lending that began in the early 2010s. It is also part of a broader global trend that saw LMICs’ external debt stock dip by $43 billion, from $3.490 trillion in 2021 to $3.447 trillion in 2022. Higher global interest rates are certainly part of the story.

China’s exposure to LMICs is $181 billion.
G7 ex-Japan exposure to LMICs is $161 billion.

There has been no shortage of coverage in recent years on Chinese lenders holding off on new loans to emerging and developing economies. Indeed, Beijing has been reconsidering its Belt and Road Initiative even as its sovereign lenders grapple with the consequences of having such large exposures to EMDEs for the first time. Chief among these of course have been the debt restructurings of recent years, which have underscored how the preferences of Chinese creditors diverge from those of other lenders.

The sharpest drops in percentage terms came in other private lending, which includes trade finance, and in the bilateral concessional category. While we shouldn’t read too deeply into this, I can’t help but muse that decreasing export credits is consistent with worsening frictions between China and its trading partners. Similarly, the drop in concessional overseas lending shouldn’t come as too much of a surprise in the context of domestic financial strains, as China’s property crisis roils onward.

bn USD20222021% Δ$ Δ
Bilateral: Concessional6.67.1-7.8-0.6
Bilateral: Non-Concessional142.3147.7-3.6-5.4
Private: Commercial Banks29.130.1-3.2-1.0
Private: Other (incl. ECAs)2.83.1-10.3-0.3
Total180.8188.0-3.8-7.2
Chinese lending to lower and middle income sovereign borrowers

Among LMICs, low-income countries are already feeling quite the pinch at China’s relative withdrawal. Chinese exposure to LICs has dropped by a full percentage point of GDP in just the space of a couple years. This is equivalent to a roughly 25% decline relative to output, as Chinese-held LIC debt has decreased from ~4% to ~3% of GDP since 2020.

Geographically, the outgoing Chinese tide is also affecting Africa. In 2022, China held less than $80 billion of African external debt, the lowest reading since 2018. While Sub-Saharan external debt actually increased in 2022, the pace has slowed compared to previous years. This reflects the lower exposure and significant weight of Chinese creditors, as they account for 1/6th of the $480 billion in global holdings of African external debt.

The World Bank’s International Debt Statistics are one of the top resources in the sovereign debt space. The data is released with about a year’s lag, meaning that full year data is currently only available through the end of 2022. But, as you can see, it’s such fertile analytical ground. So feel free to use this dashboard for your own purposes. Also available here.

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Sovereign Debt

The Geopolitics of Sovereign Debt

EMDE sovereign borrowers walk a tightrope in the fragmented creditor landscape.

One of the main themes permeating the 7th edition of the Sovereign Debt Research and Management Conference – aka “DebtCon” – held in Paris on 29-31 May was the increasingly challenging environment that sovereign borrowers face in accessing international capital and managing their balance sheets. These challenges are numerous and complex, with some of the best-known ones being the more diverse creditor landscape, implementation problems of key policies such as the G20’s Common Framework of Debt Treatments beyond the DSSI, and geopolitical fragmentation.

The Chinese impact

DebtCon is a particularly useful forum for finding solutions to the day’s most pressing sovereign debt policy issues. Not only does it bring together stakeholders from across much of the sovereign space, including borrowers, creditors, academics, and practitioners, but the conference is also focused and small enough for participants to exchange ideas more efficiently than at larger, sprawling events.

One of the most impactful discussions was the closing panel, which addressed the geopolitics of sovereign debt and best encapsulated the myriad challenges in the space. Take, for instance, increased creditor diversity: one of the key newer features – alongside the emergence of bondholders – is that China has established itself as the world’s largest bilateral creditor to lower- and middle-income countries over the past decade plus. Resolving debt crises has become harder as a result, with more debt exposure to China making it less likely for a sovereign borrower to complete a Paris Club restructuring. Similarly, debt to China is associated with longer negotiating times for IMF programs.

United Nations voting patterns

Yet emerging and developing economies as a whole are much more geopolitically-aligned with China than they are with the US. Using the latest available data on countries’ voting patterns in the United Nations’ General Assembly, in 2019 only a few EMDEs voted in alignment with the US more than 20% of the time. None did so in more than 50% of votes.

Only a handful of US allies tend to vote with the US in UN General Assembly votes more than half the time: Israel, Canada, the UK, Australia.

In contrast, EMDEs tend to vote in lockstep with China, which, after all is still considered somewhat of an emerging market itself. Virtually no EMDE votes outside of Europe were misaligned with China in the UN more than 50% of the time in 2019. Geopolitics is of course more complex than suggested by UN voting, and the world is not reverting to Cold War-era bipolarity, with multipolarity seemingly emerging on the horizon instead.

Sovereign borrowers in the “Global South” are aligned with China more often than not in UN voting.

Walking a tightrope

Nevertheless, the above data suggests that sovereign borrowers are navigating a complex environment in which they have to walk a tightrope between managing relationships with Chinese creditors and maintaining access to IMF support and lending from the Paris Club and private creditors. As such, some EMDE governments may not see that it is in their best interests to ask their largest creditors, which are often Chinese, to take steep haircuts during debt resolutions as has often been the case with past Paris Club restructurings and the Common Framework.

Instead, countries in debt distress may prefer to ask China for maturity extensions and for maintaining exposure while they implement structural reforms to set debt on a more sustainable path. This approach has the potential drawback of conflicting with or delaying IMF program negotiations, which typically require financing assurances from key creditors. Even so, some sovereign borrowers – especially those that are among Beijing’s strategic partners – may judge that their relationship with China is more important in terms of resources than IMF program sizes.

Still others may prefer to rely more on the G20’s Common Framework and the IMF and World Bank. This is especially true considering that Chinese lending to EMDEs has slowed to a trickle over the past five years as Beijing reconsiders its Belt and Road Initiative ambitions.

A poorly-functioning global trading system

Yet the drawback of relying on G7 countries and the Anglosphere for sovereign lending is that, ultimately, among these only Germany and Japan run meaningful current account surpluses. And while bilateral aid from the G7 is non-negligible, external deficits in the US, UK, Canada, and (historically) Australia mean that global capital flows towards these countries rather than from them to the world, as is the case with China.

One way to increase capital flows from rich to poor countries would be for more rich countries to begin running current account surpluses, which would effectively overhaul the global trading system. This is a highly unlikely outcome over the short- and medium-terms, for many reasons but partly because doing so would affect the US dollar’s reserve currency status, the ability to weaponize the dollar via sanctions, and undermine the power of US banks. In these murky waters, it is a small wonder then that many EMDE sovereign borrowers will continue to prefer to hedge their bets by viewing China as at least as important as the IMF and other creditors combined.

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Sovereign Debt

Tracking sovereign stress in 45 emerging markets

Today’s charts are an update of the Sovereign Vibe sovereign debt stress tracker initially released in 2023. This tool is based directly on the IMF’s Debt Sustainability Framework for Market-Access Countries, released in 2021, and is relevant only for countries that “principally receive financing through market-based instruments and on non-concessional terms.” Through extensive testing, the IMF developed a model that measures the probability of a borrowing country experiencing sovereign debt strains in the near-term based on changes in nine macroeconomic and governance variables.

Results

Among middle- and lower-income countries with market access with full data availability across all indicators, Argentina, Angola, and Pakistan are most at risk of sovereign debt stress. In the heatmap below, brighter colors indicate more risk, while darker colors indicate less risk. I use percentile scoring for each variable, including the probability of sovereign stress outcome.

Argentina defaulted on local currency debt in 2023, which penalized the country via the “stress history” indicator and propelled it into the “top” spot. The sovereign defaults that I tallied based on S&P for 2023 are El Salvador, Cameroon, and Ethiopia on foreign currency debt and Argentina, Ghana, El Salvador, Mozambique, and Sri Lanka on local currency. Let me know if I am missing any!

Caveats

Regarding the other 2023 sovereign defaults, El Salvador registered as sixth-most at risk of sovereign stress. I would expect Sri Lanka to rank fairly high on the sovereign stress heat-map above. But data for Sri Lanka has been patchy since its 2022 default, preventing me from making a full calculation on the same footing as other countries.

The IMF does not consider Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, and Mozambique to currently be MACs. Other countries are borderline. For instance, Angola has been a market-access country for several years, but it seems like the IMF is in the process of declassifying it due to current vulnerabilities. So I may remove Angola from the next update. On the other hand, Nigeria still seems to be within the IMF’s MAC perimeter.

Also, this tracker shouldn’t be taken as gospel as to the likelihood of sovereign stress, as it only reflects macroeconomic-related indicators and which are mostly backward-looking. It fails to capture the qualitative aspects of a government’s commitment to reforms. Case in point: I wrote of Egypt’s brightening prospects last week.

Changes since October 2023

The table below outlines changes in the ten MACs most at-risk of experiencing sovereign debt strains. Argentina, Nigeria, and Ukraine have deteriorated by climbing up the ranking. Angola, Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, Ecuador, Belize, and Mexico have seen their rankings improve. El Salvador continues to occupy the sixth spot.

RankMay 2024October 2023
🥇🇦🇷 Argentina ⬆️🇦🇴 Angola
🥈🇦🇴 Angola ⬇️🇵🇰 Pakistan
🥉🇵🇰 Pakistan ⬇️🇪🇬 Egypt
4🇪🇬 Egypt ⬇️🇯🇴 Jordan
5🇳🇬 Nigeria ⬆️🇦🇷 Argentina
6🇸🇻 El Salvador🇸🇻 El Salvador
7🇺🇦 Ukraine ⬆️🇪🇨 Ecuador
8🇯🇴 Jordan ⬇️🇧🇿 Belize
9🇪🇨 Ecuador ⬇️🇩🇴 Dominican Republic
10🇧🇿 Belize ⬇️🇲🇽 Mexico

I was surprised to see Mexico in October’s top ten, which points to some of this tool’s analytical limits. I and many others have generally perceived Mexico as a positive EM story in recent years, with an economy benefiting from supply chain reconfigurations and near-shoring, and an appreciating peso. Nevertheless, this IMF model can help challenge consensus narratives: in fact, Mexico is penalized precisely because of the strong appreciation of its real effective exchange rate over the past three years.

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Sovereign Debt

Sovereign stress dashboard for 82 MACs

Following the release of sovereign debt stress heatmaps for 82 market-access countries, the underlying data for nine indicators for near-term risks is now available in the dashboard below. This first iteration facilitates visualization of each variable since 2010, with the possibility of viewing multiple countries simultaneously for comparative purposes. This tool is based directly on the IMF’s model for detecting the probability of sovereign debt strains 1-2 years ahead, as described in its 2021 Debt Sustainability Framework for Market-Access Countries. In addition to the IMF’s own documentation, past posts on this site describe the model and its indicators in more detail:

  • Institutional quality
  • Stress history
  • Current account / GDP
  • Real effective exchange rate: 3-year change
  • Credit gap to the non-financial private sector / GDP (t – 1)
  • General government debt / GDP: 1-year change
  • Public debt / Revenue
  • External public and publicly-guaranteed debt / GDP
  • International reserves / GDP

Future iterations

For the time being, this dashboard allows for users to view only one indicator at a time, and excludes one of the IMF’s ten independent variables – the one-year change in the VIX index.

A further improvement for future versions concerns the change-based variables, as it would be helpful for readers to also – or only – view the level of REERs and general government debt (and of the VIX, if included).

Moreover, an augmented dashboard for broad monitoring of sovereign debt strains would have to include interest payments, amortization schedules, gross financing needs, central bank interest rates, and more information on exchange rate dynamics, inter alia.

Missing data

Lastly, working with this data from a range of official, reputable sources highlights severe deficiencies in coverage. In some cases, the data is missing outright:

  • For instance, World Bank data would have us believe that Israel has no external PPG debt or that Jordan has no international reserves, which is untrue in both cases.
  • Similarly, BIS data on credit gaps is only available for around 40 countries, though these are easily estimated for a much larger set of countries using World Bank data.

Despite these oversights from multilateral data sources, it is still useful to have broad overviews of the sovereign debt landscape for those needing to view which parts of the system are coming under strain. Of course, paid data sources can help plug these data holes.

But, given efforts at the IMF, World Bank, and elsewhere to advocate for sovereign debt transparency, surely some of the lowest-hanging fruit must be for the multilateral institutions themselves to improve their own data collection and dissemination practices to make relevant data more widely-available.

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Sovereign Debt

Sovereign debt stress heatmaps

Angola, Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, Argentina, El Salvador, Ecuador, and Belize are among the market-access countries most at risk of sovereign stress, according to the model presented below. Unsurprisingly, several advanced economies appear least at risk, including Norway, Ireland, Denmark, Singapore, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Hong Kong, and Switzerland.

Earlier this year I published the high-level initial results of a sovereign debt stress tracker, based on a model developed by the International Monetary Fund for countries that it classifies as having access to international markets. The IMF presented this model as part of its update to its Debt Sustainability Framework for Market-Access Countries in 2021, claiming at the time that it had performed significant robustness checks to ensure forecast salience. Time will tell how useful this tool is in predicting sovereign debt strains, and, in any case, it should only be used in conjunction with other analytical approaches.

Heatmaps

Using the latest available data for 2023, the heatmaps below rank order countries by the probability of experiencing sovereign stress, as represented by the column farthest to the right. Neither the probabilities for the dependent variable nor any of the raw data readings for any of the independent variables is shown below. Instead, readers can see the percentile rank compared to the maximum value in each variable column, which is beneficial for visually detecting relative heat for each indicator.

Lighter colors represent more risk, while darker colors represent less risk. Independent variables with negative coefficients, i.e. are negative predictors of sovereign stress, have been reversed in order to ensure color scheme coherence. These include institutional quality, the current account, and international reserves.

The first heatmap below suggests that Angola, Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan, Argentina, El Salvador, Ecuador, and Belize are most at risk of experiencing sovereign debt strains. Looking across the independent variables for this group of countries:

  • They generally suffer from high external public debt burdens and from relatively poor institutional quality, though Argentina and Jordan fare better on those measures, respectively.
  • El Salvador is penalized relatively less on stress history, though this assumes spread widening in recent years remained under the IMF’s stress definition threshold (see “Model” section below).
  • One-year changes in general government debt in Angola, Egypt, and Argentina point to potential risks.
  • El Salvador, Jordan, and, to a lesser extent, Pakistan, appear to need some replenishing of their international reserve buffers.
  • Angola and – to a lesser extent – Argentina are marked down for surging REERs.
  • Pakistan and Egypt display relatively concerning public debt/revenue ratios.
  • Jordan stands out for poor current account performance.
  • Egypt, Jordan, and Ecuador exhibit high credit-to-GDP gaps, though several other countries fare worse on this measure.

Each value is divided by the maximal value in that column, resulting in its own empirical percentile. Each value shown is the percent of observations with that value or below it. Sources: IMF, WGI, WB, Bruegel, BIS, author’s calculations.

The second heatmap uses foreign currency general government debt to replace the external PPG debt indicator featured in the first heatmap (see explanation in “Data” section below). Neither of these indicators is ideal, as in both cases coverage for many countries is either lacking or data points are equal to zero. This is obvious in both heatmaps from the absence of dark-colored cells in the relevant column, meaning that many countries are zero. Overall country coverage on this variable is better in the first heatmap, but the second one provides value for countries where data is missing in the first one (e.g. Israel, Korea, Sweden).

The eight countries most at risk of sovereign stress in this second heatmap are the same as in the first one, albeit in a slightly different order and except for Mexico replacing Belize. On this latter point, FX general government debt data – sourced from the BIS (see “Data” section below) – is missing for Belize, conferring on it an unfair advantage over Mexico and other countries where data are present for this indicator. In the first heatmap, external debt data is present for both Mexico and Belize, with the latter appearing more at risk than the former.

Each value is divided by the maximal value in that column, resulting in its own empirical percentile. Each value shown is the percent of observations with that value or below it. Sources: IMF, WGI, WB, Bruegel, BIS, author’s calculations.

Interpretation

Focusing on a country case helps illustrate ways to interpret the data in this model. Take Angola, as it appears most at-risk. Using heatmap (1), the brightest and thus most concerning data points are in the institutional quality, REER 3-year change, general government debt 1-year change, and external public and publicly-guaranteed debt columns. This suggests that the government and public sector more broadly are borrowing heavily, while prices and the exchange rate have also combined to rise quickly. Moreover, the institutions to set a good policy framework appear to be lacking. This is already a dangerous mix.

On the other hand, Angola scores well on its current account balance and international reserves variables. This is easily explained by the fact that the country is an oil exporter, thereby keeping its current account balance high and accumulating foreign reserves from the proceeds of these oil sales to buyers abroad.

While these oil exports provide Luanda with ample benefits, heavy reliance on a commodity-based export sector is also a double-edged sword. The result is often an appreciation of the exchange rate, making the economy less competitive for developing other industries: a classic case of Dutch Disease.

More concerning still is the presence of high inflation. The country’s surging REER variable already suggests that prices are probably rising, as the overall increase is unlikely to be due to nominal exchange rate dynamics alone. Increases in government debt suggest potential fiscal profligacy, which can lead to undesirably-high inflation, the presence of which is confirmed by a glance at recent Angolan statistics. The credit-to-GDP gap, which measures the deviation from trend of credit to the non-financial private sector as a share of GDP, is not particularly alarming in Angola, but may be high enough to also be contributing to the rising price level.

Angola also exhibits a high public debt-to-revenue ratio, which is worrying, given all the oil revenues that the country is seemingly raking in, suggesting that less borrowing and more fiscal discipline are likely needed. Recent sovereign stress is also a concern, indicating that, for all its natural resources, the government is unable or unwilling to pursue policies required to maintain macroeconomic stability.

Model

To recap, the model’s dependent variable is the probability of sovereign stress, which the IMF has detailed criteria for defining – running the gamut from outright default to a mere spread widening beyond a certain threshold. Regarding the independent variables:

  • The first two represent how recently a country has experienced sovereign stress, and its government effectiveness and regulatory quality.
  • Other explanatory variables are macroeconomic in nature, including current account balances, real effective exchange rates – which also capture price changes, credit gaps to the private sector, and international reserves.
  • More specifically fiscal indicators include those on general government debt, foreign currency public debt, and public debt-to-revenue ratios.
  • With the exception of REERs and debt-to-revenue, these macro-fiscal indicators are all expressed as a share of GDP.
  • A global variable also features in the model, the VIX Index, which measures stock market volatility in the US, but is not presented in the heatmaps above, given its constance across countries.

Data

In the first iteration of the tracker, 2023 data was captured for 43 market-access countries, including both emerging markets-developing economies and advanced economies. Thanks to more available data for this year and refinements in data capture, coverage has been expanded to 82 MACs in these heatmaps.

Two similar heatmaps are presented in this article, with a difference in one of the independent variables and, as a result, slight changes to the overall results in the dependent variable. One of the IMF’s indicators is foreign currency public debt. In the first instance, the World Bank indicator for external public and publicly-guaranteed debt is used as the best available proxy for the IMF’s variable. While using this data from the World Bank remains the best possible option at this stage, there are some glaring omissions in coverage. For instance, the World Bank source suggests that Israel’s external PPG debt is equal to zero, which is clearly incorrect.

As a remedy to the World Bank’s data deficiencies, a second heatmap applies data from the Bank of International Settlements on foreign currency general government debt, as a proxy for this indicator in the same overall model. The BIS data does fill in some of the World Bank gaps – e.g. Israel – but in fact covers fewer countries than the first source. As such, the first heatmap is still preferable.

It is also worth noting that both the World Bank and BIS indicators differ from the IMF variable of foreign currency public debt. In the former case, external public debt differs somewhat from foreign currency public debt, even if virtually all external debt is in foreign currency. In the latter case, foreign currency general government debt excludes some types of debt that is covered under foreign currency public debt.

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Sovereign Debt

Credit gaps cool globally

This post follows on from previous credit gap analysis on this blog and how this indicator helps estimate the probability of sovereign debt strains, for which Bank of International Settlements data is of great use. However, the BIS data covers “only” 43 countries and the Euro Area, which roughly corresponds to the G20 – including the 27 European Union members. As a result of this limitation, I use World Bank data, which has much broader country coverage, to derive credit gaps for a larger number of countries. As the Bank’s dataset is released on an annual frequency, I use annualized BIS data for comparative purposes, though the latter has the advantage of being published on a quarterly basis and is thus already available for a part of 2023.1As a reminder, in the IMF’s MAC DSA model published in 2021, the coefficient for credit gaps as an independent variable is positive with respect to the dependent variable, which is the probability of a sovereign stress event.

The first map below presents the BIS data on credit gaps in 2022, revealing how most of these 43 countries,2Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Chile, Colombia, Denmark, Ireland, Austria, Czechia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Malaysia, Belgium, Hong Kong SAR, China, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, Indonesia are in negative territory, meaning that credit extended to the private sector is below trend. This makes sense given the wave of central bank tightening from circa 2021 in many countries, leading to tighter financial conditions globally. Notable exceptions remained in 2022, including Japan, Switzerland, Germany, and France in the DM space and Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Brazil, and Hungary among EMs.

The second map shows BIS credit gap data for 2021, when there was clearly more heat in the system. Several countries exhibited positive gaps that ended up turning negative in 2022: Canada, the US, Mexico, Colombia, Argentina, Saudi Arabia, Norway, Sweden, and Austria among them. Virtually all countries cooled down from 2021 to 2022, according to this data.

The credit gaps derived from World Bank data feature in the two maps below, the first of which is for 2022. Sadly, this first World Bank map appears underwhelming given missing 2022 data for a number of large countries, including the US, Canada, Russia, and India. However, the data here covers 101 countries3Antigua & Barbuda, Algeria, Azerbaijan, Albania, Armenia, Angola, Australia, Barbados, Bangladesh, Belize, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Benin, Solomon Islands, Brazil, Brunei, Cambodia, Burundi, China, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Georgia, Ghana, Grenada, Germany, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Israel, Côte d’Ivoire, Japan, Jamaica, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, South Korea, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Libya, Madagascar, North Macedonia, Mali, Morocco, Mauritius, Oman, Maldives, Mexico, Mozambique, Malawi, Niger, Hong Kong SAR, China Macao SAR, China, Palestinian Territories, Montenegro, Vanuatu, Norway, Nepal, Suriname, Nicaragua, New Zealand, Paraguay, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Qatar, Romania, Moldova, Philippines, Rwanda,  St. Kitts & Nevis, Lesotho, Senegal, Sierra Leone, St. Lucia, Sudan, Trinidad & Tobago, Thailand, Tajikistan, Tonga, Togo, Turkey, United Kingdom, Burkina Faso,  Uruguay, Uzbekistan, St. Vincent & Grenadines, Vietnam, Namibia, Samoa, Eswatini, Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Serbia – more than twice the number of BIS coverage. The last map is World Bank 2021 data with readings for 154 countries, which is closer to reasonable levels of coverage for those seeking a global view.

One of the glaring divergences between the World Bank and BIS datasets is China’s trajectory. The World Bank data suggests that China has gone from a negative gap in 2021 to a positive one in 2022, which is consistent with the PBOC easing while the rest of the world’s central banks were tightening. In contrast, the BIS data suggest that China’s gap became more negative in 2022 compared to 2021. As described previously, the World Bank data appears to include only domestic sources of credit, whereas the BIS includes domestic and foreign credit. Thus the data is essentially saying that, in 2022, domestic credit in China rose while foreign credit evaporated.

  • 1
    As a reminder, in the IMF’s MAC DSA model published in 2021, the coefficient for credit gaps as an independent variable is positive with respect to the dependent variable, which is the probability of a sovereign stress event.
  • 2
    Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Chile, Colombia, Denmark, Ireland, Austria, Czechia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Malaysia, Belgium, Hong Kong SAR, China, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, Indonesia
  • 3
    Antigua & Barbuda, Algeria, Azerbaijan, Albania, Armenia, Angola, Australia, Barbados, Bangladesh, Belize, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Benin, Solomon Islands, Brazil, Brunei, Cambodia, Burundi, China, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Georgia, Ghana, Grenada, Germany, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Israel, Côte d’Ivoire, Japan, Jamaica, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, South Korea, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Libya, Madagascar, North Macedonia, Mali, Morocco, Mauritius, Oman, Maldives, Mexico, Mozambique, Malawi, Niger, Hong Kong SAR, China Macao SAR, China, Palestinian Territories, Montenegro, Vanuatu, Norway, Nepal, Suriname, Nicaragua, New Zealand, Paraguay, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Qatar, Romania, Moldova, Philippines, Rwanda,  St. Kitts & Nevis, Lesotho, Senegal, Sierra Leone, St. Lucia, Sudan, Trinidad & Tobago, Thailand, Tajikistan, Tonga, Togo, Turkey, United Kingdom, Burkina Faso,  Uruguay, Uzbekistan, St. Vincent & Grenadines, Vietnam, Namibia, Samoa, Eswatini, Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Serbia
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Sovereign Debt

Mind the credit gap

As part of tracking the probability of credit stress among 112 sovereign issuers, one of the variables of interest in the IMF’s model is the credit-to-GDP gap. This indicator matters not only because of its predictive power for sovereign credit events but for many other reasons as well, including monetary policy transmission and government borrowing. When analyzed in conjunction with other data, credit gaps are useful barometers for detecting the presence of credit bubbles, economic over- or under-heating, and policy distortions such as financial repression and fiscal dominance.

Credit gaps are derived from observations of credit extended to the private sector as a percentage of GDP, and then a statistical technique, usually Hodrick-Prescott filtering, is used to smooth out the data points in the time series as a way to measure an underlying trend. While there are some shortcomings to this approach, including the arbitrary nature of the smoothing parameters used to identify the trend, it helps ascertain whether the cyclical component of lending is above or below long-term expected processes.

A credit-to-GDP gap is thus an actual observation at time t minus the trend in the same time period. As such, a positive credit gap is one in which lending is above trend, whereas a negative one is below. The credit gap coefficient in the IMF model is positive, as is the case in other models in the financial crisis academic literature, meaning that higher values are associated with an increased likelihood of sovereign debt strains. Looking at quarterly data through end-202212023 data will be presented in future posts on credit gaps. from the Bank of International Settlements on 43 countries plus the Euro Area, this first set of charts presents the actual credit-to-GDP ratios in blue, the smoothed trend in yellow, and the credit-to-GDP gaps in green.

SLIDE DOWN: actual data vs trend; SLIDE UP: the cyclical gap between the two; XM = Euro Area

In the chart above, credit gaps in this mix of developed (DMs) and major emerging market economies (EMs) are currently mostly negative. This makes sense given the tighter monetary policy stances around the world to combat inflation, with EM central banks having begun their rate-raising cycles2Some EM central banks are so far ahead of DM that they have already begun cutting rates in 2023. before their DM peers. A spike in credit gaps can also be observed in 2020 as policymakers worldwide lowered interest rates and facilitated the extension of credit as part of emergency measures to mitigate economic scarring at the height of the pandemic.

The BIS credit gap data is extremely useful for this set of countries, which, after all, comprise the world’s largest economies, and all the more so because it is available on a quarterly basis. The BIS describes its credit-to-GDP ratio as capturing total borrowing from all domestic and foreign sources by the private non-financial sector.3https://www.bis.org/statistics/about_credit_stats.htm However, other sources are needed for measuring credit to the private sector in other countries, and, thankfully, the World Bank has a similar indicator: domestic credit to the private sector by banks.4 https://databank.worldbank.org/metadataglossary/jobs/series/FS.AST.PRVT.GD.ZS The World Bank data series has far broader country coverage than the BIS data, thus opening vast additional swathes of the world to analytical coverage.

In contrast to the BIS data with its inclusion of both domestic and foreign credit to the non-financial private sector, the World Bank indicator appears to only include domestic sources of financing. Moreover, the BIS data appears to include sources of non-bank financing, unlike the World Bank data. Taken together, these two differences likely explain much of the discrepancy between these two datasets. Further, the World Bank data appears to only be available at a yearly frequency, thus requiring the BIS quarterly data to be transformed to yearly averages for the purposes of comparison.

The charts below present BIS data in blue and World Bank data in yellow, in yearly form through end-2022 in both cases. As seen above, the BIS provides credit gap and trend data alongside its credit ratios and uses a one-sided Hodrick-Prescott filter with the smoothing parameter λ set to 400,000 for this quarterly data. The World Bank only provides its credit ratios on a standalone basis, meaning that the trend and credit gap need to be estimated independently. This is simple enough for one country, and thankfully panel statistical techniques enable scalability for quick estimation across a large number of countries and years. As such, trends and credit gaps are derived from the World Bank’s credit ratios using a two-sided HP filter with λ = 100, the recommended setting for annual data.

SLIDE DOWN: actual data; SLIDE UP: trend data, smoothed with HP filters

Consistent with the inclusion of foreign sources of credit, the BIS credit ratios are usually higher than those from the World Bank, especially in many European countries, e.g. Luxembourg and Belgium. Elsewhere, the figures track more closely, as is the case with Japan, Malaysia, and the UK. The US and China also fell into this category, but the datasets have diverged in recent decades for those countries. Surprisingly, there are also a few countries where the World Bank ratio exceeds the BIS reading, despite the former excluding foreign credit sources, with South Africa and the US standing out most prominently from this perspective.

The point of comparing the two datasets is to use the BIS as a benchmark to get a sense if the World Bank data is at least somewhat aligned with the former and it is any good for predictive purposes. Certainly, the similar characteristics of the actual and trend data above are a positive sign. As for the credit gaps themselves, the BIS and World Bank figures are presented below. While there are large differences in most countries, there are also similar processes at work in many countries, e.g. the United Kingdom, Malaysia. The BIS credit gaps appear to be more volatile than those of the World Bank, which could be explained by the former’s inclusion of foreign lending: capital flows of the portfolio variety, which includes debt, are prone to sudden stops and starts.

SLIDE DOWN: credit gaps; SLIDE UP: difference in credit gaps (WB – BIS)

To simplify further, the difference in the BIS and World Bank credit gaps, where the former is subtracted from the latter (difference = WB – BIS), features in the chart above. Ideally, the data readings would all be horizontal lines at zero or at least resemble a stationary process hovering above and below zero. While some countries do have these features – Sweden, the UK, the US, and Switzerland, among others, a large cohort exhibits some sort of bias. A statistical test of this difference in credit gaps across this panel of countries over these years would likely reject the notion that the difference is equal to zero. Nevertheless, the World Bank domestic credit to private sector by banks indicator seems fit for purpose, particularly given the large role that domestic banks play in credit provision in most economies.

Future posts will expand further on the importance of credit gaps and present broad country coverage of World Bank credit gap data.

  • 1
    2023 data will be presented in future posts on credit gaps.
  • 2
    Some EM central banks are so far ahead of DM that they have already begun cutting rates in 2023.
  • 3
    https://www.bis.org/statistics/about_credit_stats.htm
  • 4
    https://databank.worldbank.org/metadataglossary/jobs/series/FS.AST.PRVT.GD.ZS
Categories
Sovereign Debt

Tracking sovereign stress in 112 countries

Introducing a sovereign stress tracker covering 100+ countries, based on the IMF’s Debt Sustainability Framework for Market-Access Countries. The model used in this analysis suggests that sovereign debt strains are lower in 2023 than they were in either 2022 or 2020 for this group of countries. MACs comprise all economies that are lower-middle income and above, including many emerging economies and all advanced economies.

Market-Access Countries

In 2021, the IMF released its new Debt Sustainability Analysis framework for Market-Access Countries, in line with its differentiation between MACs and low-income countries. The reasons given for distinguishing between these two groups is that MACs generally have significant access to international capital markets, whereas LICs rely on concessional resources to fulfill their external financing needs.

As such, the Fund has a separate approach to debt sustainability analysis for LICs, which is beyond the scope of this tracker. The strict definition is that countries eligible for the IMF’s Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust, which is an interest-free concessional financing tool, are treated as LICs, whereas the rest are considered MACs.

Geographic coverage

Overall, 140+ countries and territories were included in this analysis, but results were only obtained for 112,1Angola, Albania, United Arab Emirates, Argentina, Armenia, Antigua & Barbuda, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bulgaria, Bahrain, Bahamas, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Belarus, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Barbados, Brunei, Botswana, Canada, Switzerland, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica,  Cyprus, Czechia, Germany, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Algeria, Ecuador, Egypt, Spain, Estonia, Finland, Fiji, France, Gabon, United Kingdom, Georgia, Equatorial Guinea, Greece, Guatemala, Hong Kong SAR, China, Croatia, Hungary, Indonesia, India, Ireland, Iran, Iraq, Iceland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Jordan, Japan, Kazakhstan, St. Kitts & Nevis, South Korea, Kuwait, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Latvia, Morocco, Mexico, North Macedonia, Malta, Mongolia, Mauritius, Malaysia, Namibia, Nigeria, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Paraguay, Qatar, Romania, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, El Salvador, Suriname, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Eswatini, Seychelles, Syria, Thailand, Trinidad & Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Uruguay, United States, Venezuela, Vietnam, South Africa given insufficient data availability in around 30 cases. The analysis is based on a multivariate model, meaning that a missing data point for a single variable across all years makes it impossible to derive a final measurement for the country in question, resulting in exclusion.

The calculated probabilities of sovereign stress for the 112 countries do not cover all years, unfortunately. For instance, there are only results for 43 countries in 2023, given less availability of annual data and/or forecasts for the current year. Data coverage will be improved in future iterations of the tracker.

All countries included are either high, upper middle, or lower middle income countries, with few exceptions, such as Syria, which the World Bank reclassified as a LIC in 2018. There is also some debate as to whether Venezuela constitutes an UMIC or a LMIC, though it is treated as a LMIC here.

Model

The IMF claims that extensive testing demonstrates that its new MAC DSF is much better at accurately predicting sovereign debt distress. Predictive analysis is based on a multivariate logit model developed by Fund staff. Passing the required data into the model provides a probability that a sovereign borrower experiences debt stress:

Multivariate logit model specification

RegressorCoefficient
Institutional quality-1.073 ***
Stress History0.514 ***
Current account balance/GDP-0.024 **
REER (3-year change)0.013 **
Credit/GDP gap (t -1)0.086 ***
Δ Public debt/GDP0.052 ***
Public debt/revenue0.002 ***
FX public debt/GDP0.024 ***
International reserves/GDP-0.034 ***
ΔVIX0.015 ***
*** / ** indicate statistical significance at the 1 percent / 5 percent levels

Results

In addition to the dotplot chart above, a further way to view the broad results from this analysis of 112 countries is as a boxplot, presented below. I fully acknowledge that this data is unbalanced, given the limited number of data points in 2023 and also in the early 2000s – as can be seen in the first chart above – compared to better country representation in the middle years of the sample. More charts are presented in the next section below in order to address this issue.

As can be seen in the data, in 2023 there appears to be less systemic sovereign stress among MACs as compared to previous years, particularly 2022 and 2020. Future posts will provide granular details and heatmaps at the country level.


  • 1
    Angola, Albania, United Arab Emirates, Argentina, Armenia, Antigua & Barbuda, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bulgaria, Bahrain, Bahamas, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Belarus, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Barbados, Brunei, Botswana, Canada, Switzerland, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica,  Cyprus, Czechia, Germany, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Algeria, Ecuador, Egypt, Spain, Estonia, Finland, Fiji, France, Gabon, United Kingdom, Georgia, Equatorial Guinea, Greece, Guatemala, Hong Kong SAR, China, Croatia, Hungary, Indonesia, India, Ireland, Iran, Iraq, Iceland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Jordan, Japan, Kazakhstan, St. Kitts & Nevis, South Korea, Kuwait, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Latvia, Morocco, Mexico, North Macedonia, Malta, Mongolia, Mauritius, Malaysia, Namibia, Nigeria, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Paraguay, Qatar, Romania, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, El Salvador, Suriname, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Eswatini, Seychelles, Syria, Thailand, Trinidad & Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Uruguay, United States, Venezuela, Vietnam, South Africa
Categories
Sovereign Debt

Update: Debt Dashboard for Low-Income Countries

The first web application as part of Sovereign Vibe’s DataHub disaggregates the World Bank’s International Debt Statistics’ outstanding debt stock data for 68 low-income countries by creditors type: multilateral, bilateral, and private. Further decompositions are provided for the concessional and non-concessional components of multilateral and bilateral lending, and also for private credit by bondholders, banks, and other private lenders.

This first update to the “External Sovereign Debt: DSSI Countries” dashboard adds some helpful new features for users seeking to quickly view and analyze external public and publicly-guaranteed debt stock data. To begin with, the updated app now covers data extending back to 1970, the earliest year available in the WB database. The pilot version only extended coverage back to 2000, given the heavier data burden and the uncertainties around this initial attempt.

Secondly, this new version of the dashboard allows users to view the IDS debt stock data in US dollars, as previously, but now also includes an option to view the readings as a percentage of GDP.

Third, a new category has been created to aggregate all borrowing countries. When opening the application, the “Sovereign borrower(s)” category defaults to “All DSSI,” while the “Creditor(s)” menu defaults to “World” so that users can get a high-level view of all lending (i.e. from the entire world) for all these countries (i.e. all DSSI) at once. This view is presented in the previous post, “Cure worse than the disease,” but was previously unavailable through the dashboard.

Finally, the update enables users to select multiple creditors when viewing a country’s external debt stock. Over two hundred creditor locations and types are specified in the creditor menu, so, for example, a user could choose to look at how much China, France, bondholders, and the World Bank-IBRD have lent to Zambia up until the latest data reading.

Further updates to this dashboard could include allowing users to select multiple borrowers at once. While in practice providing this is currently possible for viewing the debt stock data in US dollars, some back-end work is needed to make aggregating borrowers usable in percentage of GDP. Next steps will include:

  • Enabling users to select multiple borrowers at once
  • Expanding coverage to the broader emerging markets universe
  • Moving beyond external debt stocks and towards associated external sovereign debt flows
  • Progressing from descriptive data towards analytical outputs

What are your thoughts on this basic dashboard? How do you think it could be improved, and what features would you like to see? Feel free to submit comments in the section below or via the website’s Contact page.

All suggestions for avenues of further research are welcome as Sovereign Vibe progresses from its current pilot phase towards deeper analysis of challenges facing the sovereign debt landscape and the emerging markets complex.

Categories
Sovereign Debt

Cure worse than the disease

A high-level snapshot of the structure of outstanding external sovereign debt burdens for low-income countries and reflections on the G20’s pandemic-era DSSI policy and its successor, the Common Framework for Debt Treatments beyond the DSSI.

LIC debt burdens

During last month’s IMF-World Bank Spring Meetings, I listened to a discussion on debt crisis resolution between civil society activists and IMF staff. The vastly different frames of reference, language, and motivations on low-income country (LIC) debt playing out were captivating. It is precisely this clash of worlds that the sovereign debt space needs more of as stakeholders search for the best policies to foster inclusive growth and eradicate poverty.

Civil society organizations (CSOs) have a long-standing and well-known position on LIC external sovereign debt: in a nutshell, just cancel it. Indeed, rising external debt burdens in LICs in recent years have fueled more calls for debt forgiveness. Looking at the DSSI-eligible LICs, the rapid increase in external sovereign debt in the 2010s does give pause for concern. While the overall external public and publicly-guaranteed (PPG) debt load hovered around $200 billion throughout the 1990s and 2000s, it surpassed the $600 billion mark in 2021.

Contrast the CSO perspective with IMF staff assertions that external sovereign debt strains in LICs are less severe today than in the past. Needless to say, the CSO representatives were essentially unanimous in taking issue with this position, labeling it as provocative. IMF staff presented a chart resembling the one below, highlighting how external public debt-to-GDP was much heavier previously. In fact, the most acute strains occurred in the mid-1990s. These declined until the late 2000s, partly thanks to the Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC) from 1996 and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) from 2005.

While today’s external PPG debt ratios are less alarming, the growth of domestic capital markets in many LICs suggests that overall (i.e. domestic plus external) sovereign debt-to-GDP could be too high. Moreover, LIC sovereigns have borrowed more on non-concessional terms over the past decade, pointing to greater interest payment pressures.

The new data above will augment the DSSI dashboard in the Sovereign Vibe DataHub, where users can filter data by borrower and creditor.