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Multilateralism limps onward in Marrakech

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The World Bank Group-International Monetary Fund Annual Meetings drew to a close in Marrakech this past weekend, the first time these events have been held in Africa since the 1973 edition in Nairobi. While the Bank-Fund leadership expressed their usual endorsement of international cooperation and optimism for the future, this year’s agenda also explicitly aimed to address geopolitical fragmentation and fully acknowledged heightened threats to the goals of eradicating poverty; bolstering sustainable, inclusive growth; and preserving macroeconomic stability.

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The main problem at this year’s annuals wasn’t a new one and goes by many names: geopolitical competition, fragmentation, deglobalization, trade frictions, or decoupling. A whole host of challenges to multilateral financing efforts stem from the political obstacles to international cooperation that have emerged over the past decade, with the 2007-2009 Global Financial Crisis marking the end of America’s “unipolar moment” and ushering in a new, more competitive era. The prospects for a new capital increase for multilateral development banks, innovative hybrid financing solutions to boost World Bank lending, and sovereign debt restructuring processes are all suffering from the fractured backdrop.

IMF Global Policy Agenda

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The IMF’s policy priorities are a response to the main macroeconomic challenges in today’s global economy:

  • tame inflation

  • ensure financial stability

  • restore fiscal room

  • boost medium-term growth

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Indeed, inflation has not yet reverted to central bank targets in many countries, while the rapid rise in interest rates in the past few years have strained parts of the US banking system. At the same time, expansionary fiscal policies have pushed up yields on government debt in various countries, with the return of bond vigilantes evident in the US in 2023. The prospect of higher fiscal deficits can also sometimes undermine financial stability, as exemplified by the UK mini-budget straining pension schemes in September 2022. Tighter fiscal policy will be necessary in many countries to guard against future shocks, while appropriate reforms are also widely-needed to revive the dimmed outlook of medium-term growth.

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In parallel with the macroeconomic policy priorities, the Fund is pursuing complementary objectives. The IMF launched, with the government of Morocco, the Marrakech Principles for Global Cooperation, which include reinvigorating inclusive and sustainable growth; building resilience; supporting transformational reforms; and strengthening and modernizing global cooperation. These principles are a welcome attempt to stem the tide of global divergences, even if they are unlikely to meet with much success in the short term. In a similar vein, the IMF has attracted more funding for the interest-free Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust and for the climate change-focused Resilience and Sustainability Trust.

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Of note, the IMFC Chair committed to concluding the 16th General Review of quotas by December 2023, in light of agreement on a significant increase of quotas this year. Crucially, there seems to be support for quota realignment by June 2025 to reflect current economic realities, including through an updated quota formula. The IMFC has also called for the creation of a third chair on the IMF Executive Board for Sub-Saharan Africa, in order to improve the continent’s representation.

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Yet the IMF has not been able to deliver more in the way of impactful policy successes. One potentially high-impact policy area would be finding a solution for re-allocating SDR usage from the wealthy countries that don’t need them to the poorer countries that do. A further work-stream with outsized effects would be to do more to strengthen the Global Financial Safety Net, which includes the IMF’s toolkit, bilateral swap arrangements, regional financial arrangements, and international reserves – a tall order in the current environment.

Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable

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The official sector has achieved a modicum of progress on improving the sovereign debt restructuring architecture in recent months. Probably of most importance to private creditors is improved information-sharing during restructurings, with new possibilities for private lenders to access debt sustainability analyses and related elements at the same time as official creditors, under certain conditions. The Fund has highlighted the increasing speed from staff-level approval to Board approval, from 11 months in Chad in 2022, to 9 in Zambia, 6 in Sri Lanka, and 5 in Ghana most recently, while recognizing that this is still above the 2-3 month average in the past.

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The IMF maintains that external public debt strains are not currently as high as they were in the 1990s, even considering the existence of larger local debt markets, which has led to some observers wondering if there is a sense of complacency about pending risks in low-income countries. The IMFC welcomed progress in Zambia, Sri Lanka, and Suriname but called for more results in Ghana, Ethiopia, and Malawi, while also calling for stronger creditor coordination for sovereign debt restructurings occurring outside the Common Framework.

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One of the main pieces of news to come out of the meetings was that Zambia’s finance ministry and its official creditor committee signed a memorandum of understanding, thus formalizing the agreement reached in June, and paving the way for Zambia to seek comparable treatment from its commercial creditors. It was also revealed that Kenya may be seeking exceptional access to IMF support ahead of a $2 billion bond maturing in June 2024.

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There are some other minor new features in the sovereign restructuring framework, regarding cutoff dates (no later than staff-level agreement), state-contingent debt instruments (which shouldn’t be the norm), and the appropriate approaches to domestic debt (case-by-case) and SOE debt. Other areas remain contentious among the various creditor categories, such as appropriate discount rates to be used for NPV calculations for comparability of treatment. There is also no consensus on the treatment of arrears and on debt service suspensions during negotiations.

Show me the money: capital increases for MDBs?

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Despite the ongoing efforts of senior staff to convince donor countries to provide more resources for development, the World Bank Group’s ambitions will continue to lack requisite firepower. The cause is an absence of political will in most of the G7 countries to make sufficient financial commitments to development, as evidenced by a succession of broken Western promises. To be sure, some efforts are under way, such as Japan’s pledge to significantly raise its contribution to the IMF’s zero-interest loan tool, the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust. For its part, the US may transfer $2 billion in additional funding to the World Bank Group this year, though this is a far cry from the scale that is needed.

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Additional annual financing required to meet the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals stands at around $3 trillion. The G20’s Capital Adequacy Review framework suggests that a general capital increase for the multilateral bank system, including the IBRD, could unlock $200 billion in annual lending, with a further $80 billion annually from balance sheet optimization (e.g. callable and hybrid capital). The Center of Global Development suggests that the international development finance system should boost its annual financing by $500 billion by 2030, with multilateral development banks providing $260 billion and national development finance institutions delivering the remainder. Private capital ought to match that half-trillion increase, for a combined public-private total of $1 trillion.

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Yet these figures still fall well short of the additional $3 trillion needed annually. By the CGD’s calculations, each dollar of new equity in MDBs can be leveraged for $15 of external sustainable investment financing, of which $7 in direct MDB lending and $8 in private capital. Assuming that private finance can be crowded in to such a degree is likely overly optimistic, as the CGD’s own figures indicate that MDBs currently mobilize only 60 cents for each dollar lent. Even so, public and private stakeholders will have to come up with financing solutions to achieve the SDGs, and this should be possible with enough political will: just look at the over $100 billion raised for Ukraine.

The World Bank’s Evolution Roadmap

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The World Bank Group’s recently-appointed president, Ajay Banga, has laid out a roadmap to enhance the organization’s effectiveness. More efficient balance sheet management should unleash $157 billion in additional lending over 10 years, while preserving the Bank’s AAA rating. These measures include increasing the loan to equity ratio, launching a hybrid capital instrument, and creating a portfolio guarantee mechanism. Similarly, management is also exploring solutions using callable capital and SDRs. An elegant approach to channeling some of 2021’s SDR 650 billion windfall could be to have the Bank issue SDR bonds, to be purchased by national central banks.

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A number of other changes are in the works under Banga. These include setting up a Global Public Goods Fund to grow concessional resources by attracting funding from governments and philanthropies, exploring maturities of up to 40 years for social and human capital investments, and exploring energy transition solutions. More importantly, efficiency gains are at the heart of the new strategy. There is an objective to slash project review and approval times by a third by simplifying procedures, while partnerships with other MDBs are already being pursued more actively so as to amplify impact. Similarly, Banga’s team plans on scaling knowledge-sharing in order to more easily share impactful solutions, and a private sector investment lab has already been set up to galvanize private financing.

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Banga’s plans to streamline processes seem like a requisite pre-condition for convincing donor countries to increase the Bank’s share capital, though even if his team can deliver, any new equity is far from guaranteed. Early signs of the new president’s first few months in the role have demonstrated his dynamism and communication skills, and future success in reforming the institution’s bureaucracy, while likely challenging to achieve, could yield significant development benefits. However, his team is reportedly difficult to approach internally, which could potentially delay progress.

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Credit gaps cool globally

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This post follows on from previous credit gap analysis on this blog and how this indicator helps estimate the probability of sovereign debt strains, for which Bank of International Settlements data is of great use. However, the BIS data covers “only” 43 countries and the Euro Area, which roughly corresponds to the G20 – including the 27 European Union members. As a result of this limitation, I use World Bank data, which has much broader country coverage, to derive credit gaps for a larger number of countries. As the Bank’s dataset is released on an annual frequency, I use annualized BIS data for comparative purposes, though the latter has the advantage of being published on a quarterly basis and is thus already available for a part of 2023.1

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The first map below presents the BIS data on credit gaps in 2022, revealing how most of these 43 countries,2 are in negative territory, meaning that credit extended to the private sector is below trend. This makes sense given the wave of central bank tightening from circa 2021 in many countries, leading to tighter financial conditions globally. Notable exceptions remained in 2022, including Japan, Switzerland, Germany, and France in the DM space and Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, Brazil, and Hungary among EMs.

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The second map shows BIS credit gap data for 2021, when there was clearly more heat in the system. Several countries exhibited positive gaps that ended up turning negative in 2022: Canada, the US, Mexico, Colombia, Argentina, Saudi Arabia, Norway, Sweden, and Austria among them. Virtually all countries cooled down from 2021 to 2022, according to this data.

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The credit gaps derived from World Bank data feature in the two maps below, the first of which is for 2022. Sadly, this first World Bank map appears underwhelming given missing 2022 data for a number of large countries, including the US, Canada, Russia, and India. However, the data here covers 101 countries3 – more than twice the number of BIS coverage. The last map is World Bank 2021 data with readings for 154 countries, which is closer to reasonable levels of coverage for those seeking a global view.

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One of the glaring divergences between the World Bank and BIS datasets is China’s trajectory. The World Bank data suggests that China has gone from a negative gap in 2021 to a positive one in 2022, which is consistent with the PBOC easing while the rest of the world’s central banks were tightening. In contrast, the BIS data suggest that China’s gap became more negative in 2022 compared to 2021. As described previously, the World Bank data appears to include only domestic sources of credit, whereas the BIS includes domestic and foreign credit. Thus the data is essentially saying that, in 2022, domestic credit in China rose while foreign credit evaporated.

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The post Credit gaps cool globally first appeared on Sovereign Vibe.

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1    As a reminder, in the IMF’s MAC DSA model published in 2021, the coefficient for credit gaps as an independent variable is positive with respect to the dependent variable, which is the probability of a sovereign stress event.

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2    Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Chile, Colombia, Denmark, Ireland, Austria, Czechia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Malaysia, Belgium, Hong Kong SAR, China, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, Indonesia

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3    Antigua & Barbuda, Algeria, Azerbaijan, Albania, Armenia, Angola, Australia, Barbados, Bangladesh, Belize, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Benin, Solomon Islands, Brazil, Brunei, Cambodia, Burundi, China, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Georgia, Ghana, Grenada, Germany, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Israel, Côte d’Ivoire, Japan, Jamaica, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, South Korea, Kuwait, Kazakhstan, Libya, Madagascar, North Macedonia, Mali, Morocco, Mauritius, Oman, Maldives, Mexico, Mozambique, Malawi, Niger, Hong Kong SAR, China Macao SAR, China, Palestinian Territories, Montenegro, Vanuatu, Norway, Nepal, Suriname, Nicaragua, New Zealand, Paraguay, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Qatar, Romania, Moldova, Philippines, Rwanda,  St. Kitts & Nevis, Lesotho, Senegal, Sierra Leone, St. Lucia, Sudan, Trinidad & Tobago, Thailand, Tajikistan, Tonga, Togo, Turkey, United Kingdom, Burkina Faso,  Uruguay, Uzbekistan, St. Vincent & Grenadines, Vietnam, Namibia, Samoa, Eswatini, Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Serbia

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Mind the credit gap

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As part of tracking the probability of credit stress among 112 sovereign issuers, one of the variables of interest in the IMF’s model is the credit-to-GDP gap. This indicator matters not only because of its predictive power for sovereign credit events but for many other reasons as well, including monetary policy transmission and government borrowing. When analyzed in conjunction with other data, credit gaps are useful barometers for detecting the presence of credit bubbles, economic over- or under-heating, and policy distortions such as financial repression and fiscal dominance.

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Credit gaps are derived from observations of credit extended to the private sector as a percentage of GDP, and then a statistical technique, usually Hodrick-Prescott filtering, is used to smooth out the data points in the time series as a way to measure an underlying trend. While there are some shortcomings to this approach, including the arbitrary nature of the smoothing parameters used to identify the trend, it helps ascertain whether the cyclical component of lending is above or below long-term expected processes.

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A credit-to-GDP gap is thus an actual observation at time t minus the trend in the same time period. As such, a positive credit gap is one in which lending is above trend, whereas a negative one is below. The credit gap coefficient in the IMF model is positive, as is the case in other models in the financial crisis academic literature, meaning that higher values are associated with an increased likelihood of sovereign debt strains. Looking at quarterly data through end-20221 from the Bank of International Settlements on 43 countries plus the Euro Area, this first set of charts presents the actual credit-to-GDP ratios in blue, the smoothed trend in yellow, and the credit-to-GDP gaps in green.

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In the chart above, credit gaps in this mix of developed (DMs) and major emerging market economies (EMs) are currently mostly negative. This makes sense given the tighter monetary policy stances around the world to combat inflation, with EM central banks having begun their rate-raising cycles2 before their DM peers. A spike in credit gaps can also be observed in 2020 as policymakers worldwide lowered interest rates and facilitated the extension of credit as part of emergency measures to mitigate economic scarring at the height of the pandemic.

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The BIS credit gap data is extremely useful for this set of countries, which, after all, comprise the world’s largest economies, and all the more so because it is available on a quarterly basis. The BIS describes its credit-to-GDP ratio as capturing total borrowing from all domestic and foreign sources by the private non-financial sector.3 However, other sources are needed for measuring credit to the private sector in other countries, and, thankfully, the World Bank has a similar indicator: domestic credit to the private sector by banks.4 The World Bank data series has far broader country coverage than the BIS data, thus opening vast additional swathes of the world to analytical coverage.

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In contrast to the BIS data with its inclusion of both domestic and foreign credit to the non-financial private sector, the World Bank indicator appears to only include domestic sources of financing. Moreover, the BIS data appears to include sources of non-bank financing, unlike the World Bank data. Taken together, these two differences likely explain much of the discrepancy between these two datasets. Further, the World Bank data appears to only be available at a yearly frequency, thus requiring the BIS quarterly data to be transformed to yearly averages for the purposes of comparison.

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The charts below present BIS data in blue and World Bank data in yellow, in yearly form through end-2022 in both cases. As seen above, the BIS provides credit gap and trend data alongside its credit ratios and uses a one-sided Hodrick-Prescott filter with the smoothing parameter λ set to 400,000 for this quarterly data. The World Bank only provides its credit ratios on a standalone basis, meaning that the trend and credit gap need to be estimated independently. This is simple enough for one country, and thankfully panel statistical techniques enable scalability for quick estimation across a large number of countries and years. As such, trends and credit gaps are derived from the World Bank’s credit ratios using a two-sided HP filter with λ = 100, the recommended setting for annual data.

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Consistent with the inclusion of foreign sources of credit, the BIS credit ratios are usually higher than those from the World Bank, especially in many European countries, e.g. Luxembourg and Belgium. Elsewhere, the figures track more closely, as is the case with Japan, Malaysia, and the UK. The US and China also fell into this category, but the datasets have diverged in recent decades for those countries. Surprisingly, there are also a few countries where the World Bank ratio exceeds the BIS reading, despite the former excluding foreign credit sources, with South Africa and the US standing out most prominently from this perspective.

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The point of comparing the two datasets is to use the BIS as a benchmark to get a sense if the World Bank data is at least somewhat aligned with the former and it is any good for predictive purposes. Certainly, the similar characteristics of the actual and trend data above are a positive sign. As for the credit gaps themselves, the BIS and World Bank figures are presented below. While there are large differences in most countries, there are also similar processes at work in many countries, e.g. the United Kingdom, Malaysia. The BIS credit gaps appear to be more volatile than those of the World Bank, which could be explained by the former’s inclusion of foreign lending: capital flows of the portfolio variety, which includes debt, are prone to sudden stops and starts.

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To simplify further, the difference in the BIS and World Bank credit gaps, where the former is subtracted from the latter (difference = WB – BIS), features in the chart above. Ideally, the data readings would all be horizontal lines at zero or at least resemble a stationary process hovering above and below zero. While some countries do have these features – Sweden, the UK, the US, and Switzerland, among others, a large cohort exhibits some sort of bias. A statistical test of this difference in credit gaps across this panel of countries over these years would likely reject the notion that the difference is equal to zero. Nevertheless, the World Bank domestic credit to private sector by banks indicator seems fit for purpose, particularly given the large role that domestic banks play in credit provision in most economies.

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Future posts will expand further on the importance of credit gaps and present broad country coverage of World Bank credit gap data.

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The post Mind the credit gap first appeared on Sovereign Vibe.

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1    2023 data will be presented in future posts on credit gaps.

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2    Some EM central banks are so far ahead of DM that they have already begun cutting rates in 2023.

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3    https://www.bis.org/statistics/about_credit_stats.htm

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4     https://databank.worldbank.org/metadataglossary/jobs/series/FS.AST.PRVT.GD.ZS